Friday, August 22, 2014

NOH & KYOGEN

THE SHOGUN & NOH'S EARLY YEARS

Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu

During the Muromachi period in Japan, 1374, the third shogun witnessed a performance by Zeami Motokiyo and his father, Kan'ami Kiyotsugo.

Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu would not only become a particular admirer of the young Zeami, but a significant patron of the emerging art form. Under his patronage, Zeami developed the Noh form.

ABOUT THE MUROMACHI PERIOD

"The era when members of the Ashikaga family occupied the position of shogun is known as the Muromachi period, named after the district in Kyoto where their headquarters was [later]located. Although the Ashikaga clan occupied the shogunate for nearly 200 years . . . .

Despite the social and political upheaval, the Muromachi period was economically and artistically innovative. This epoch saw the first steps in the establishment of modern commercial, transportation, and urban developments. Contact with China, which had been resumed in the Kamakura period, once again enriched and transformed Japanese thought and aesthetics. One of the imports that was to have a far-reaching impact was Zen Buddhism. Although known in Japan since the seventh century, Zen was enthusiastically embraced by the military class beginning in the thirteenth century and went on to have a profound effect on all aspects of national life, from government and commerce to the arts and education.

Kyoto, which, as the imperial capital, had never ceased to exert an enormous influence on the country's culture, once again became the seat of political power under the Ashikaga shoguns. The private villas that the Ashikaga shoguns built there served as elegant settings for the pursuit of art and culture. While tea drinking had been brought to Japan from China in earlier centuries, in the fifteenth century, a small coterie of highly cultivated men, influenced by Zen ideals, developed the basic principles of the tea (chanoyu) aesthetic. At its highest level, chanoyu involves an appreciation of garden design, architecture, interior design, calligraphy, painting, flower arranging, the decorative arts, and the preparation and service of food. These same enthusiastic patrons of the tea ceremony also lavished support on renga (linked-verse poetry) and No dance-drama, a subtle, slow-moving stage performance featuring masked and elaborately costumed actors." (http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/muro/hd_muro.htm)


A bit more about the competitions:
"The competition between noh troupes was brought onstage as formal performance contests called tachiai ("combined performances"), which were judged by the highest-ranking audience member -- in many cases, the shogun himself. Tachiai were usually included as part of the program at kanjin no, or subscription performances. Not surprisingly, the winners of such contests stood a much better chance of attracting the shogun's notice and receiving his patronage as a result. Although noh tachiai bear some resemblance to the tragic contests held at the Great Dionysia festival in fifth-century B.C.E. Athens, in which individual playwrights vied for victory, tachiai involved competition between performers, not the playwrights, or different troupes. Moreover, unlike the Athenian contests, in which selected tragedians had already received official sponsorship from the polis and were competing more for fame and glory (kleos) than for patronage per se, no tachiai held out the possibility that a rousing victory might elicit the admiration and long-term support of the shogun.
Tachiai typically involved the simultaneous or successive performance of a set piece or pieces by various actors from competing troupes. When performers took the stage successively, the order of the performances was determined by the drawing of lots (kuji wo hiku). . . . Even when noh troupes were not competing against one another in official tachiai, every noh performance was, in a sense, an informal contest against other troupes competing for the same sources of patronage" (Theatricalities of Power: The Cultural Politics of Noh by Steven T. Brown, 2001, p.11).
"In Fushikaden (Transmission of flower through forms; 1400-1418), Zeami makes it clear that although the goal of every performing art should be "to calm the hearts of a wide variety of people and move the feeling of high and low alike," . . . the success of noh in the Muromachi period depended upon the favorable response of the nobility (kinin). Zeami's conception of the nobility included members of the military elite (buke), such as the shogun and his high-ranking officers, as well as the court aristocrats (kuge). Zeami advised the noh actor to regard the attendance o the nobility as the foundation of one's performance -- going so far as to recommend starting a performance before its appointed time, if members of the nobility should happen to arrive early." (Theatricalities of Power: The Cultural Politics of Noh by Steven T. Brown, 2001, p.11-12)
Thus, "even at subscription performances, where multiple classes inhabited the same theater, the spacial distribution of the audience suggests" the shogun and his inner circle were the focus of performance. "Although the best box in the kanjin theater was set aside for the gods (kami), who were situated immediately opposite the stage in galleries reserved for nobility. .. the shogun and his closest advisors sat to the left of the god's box, whereas the shogun's principal wife and family sat to the right".
Commoners were permitted in the open, uncovered area below the stage.
"His writings focus fairly narrowly on transmitting a body of secret performance techniques that will enable the Kanze actor to succeed in the highly competitive capital. [. . . ] a kind of technical knowledge whose secrecy enables a family to sustain an economic living" (The Culture of Secrecy in Japanese Religion by Bernhard Scheid and Mark Teeuwen, 2013. p. 234).

Noh evolved out of
- the recitation & singing of popular ballads
- Sarugaku (see page here)
&
- Dengaku (see page here)


The early origins of Noh theater were mostly folk-type forms of rustic entertainment; Sarugaku, which was connected to Shinto rituals, Dengaku, a kind of acrobatics with juggling, which later developed into a type of song-and-dance, Chinese-derived dances, and recited and chanted ballads which formed part of the oral tradition of the people.
By the middle of the fourteenth century, these various sources seem to have been combined into a form of theater recognizable to modern audiences as Noh, although just what those early plays were like is hard to say.
There are plays believed by scholars to be by Kanami (1333-1385), but they seem to have been heavily revised by his son Zeami (1363-1443), and no surviving play can be securely dated to before their era.
Zeami is the prime figure in Noh, having written a vast quantity of plays for his troupe to perform, many of which are still regularly performed to this day. He also wrote a very famous treatise in 1423 on the skills and methods necessary for a Noh actor, and that document is still valid study for young actors.
What Zeami, inspired by his father, managed to create, was a theater of the Muromachi period (1336-1573), written in the upper-class language of the fourteenth century, but which looked back to the supposed Golden Age of the Heian Period (794-1185), by basing plays on people, events and even poetry of that era creating texts of astonishing richness and opacity.





The Four Seats of Yamato and Tachiai Noh


At that time both sarugaku and dengaku had formed groups known as the Sarugaku-za and the Dengaku-za. Each group had a leader who acted as the chief support for the performances. In Yamato there were four particularly strong groups: Yusaki-za, Sakado-za, Tobi-za and Enmai-za. These four groups became the four oldest noh schools that remain today the Kanze, Kongō, Hōsho and Komparu schools respectively.

It was each group’s desire to rise to be considered the best in the capital. For that purpose, they gathered to perform in a kind of arts competition known as tachiai noh. Whoever was the winner would be deemed the best and this led to a fiercely fought battle. Whoever was in the top seat would have the most influence on the development of the art. It can also be thought of as one of the reasons Zeami wrote his treatises “Fūshi Kaden.”


After the Introduction of Zeami


The founder of the Yuzaki-za, Kanami, adapted a form of storytelling dance from sarugaku called, kusemai. He was the first to introduce this kind of dance into noh. Kanami also created to famous noh Sotoba Komachi and Jinen Koji.

Kanami’s son, Zeami inherited noh from his father and perfected it. In the Muromachi Period, with the support of the shōguns’ Ashikaga Yosimitsu and Nijo Motoe, Zeami was able to develop his own art, borrowing the techniques of his rivals. It was during this time that Zeami developed his notion of Yugen or “mysterious beauty” which he included in a number of his mugen noh (phantasmal noh) including the masterpiece Izutsu which is one of over 50 noh that are attributed to Zeami’s hand. Even now the same poetry and prose that he wrote are still being performed.

Following the death of Zeami, his nephew, Onami and the son in law of Komparu Zenchiku, took over as head of the troupe and continued developing the art even as the Onin Wars destroyed the capital. As all this was happening, noh still played a very active role in the lives of the military commanders. Among them, Toyotomi Hideyoshi one of the great unifiers of Japan, took a great interest in noh and studied with a Komparu Tayū and commissioned noh with themes about himself to be created.

Recent and Modern Noh


Noh continued under the protection and patronage of the Tokugawa Shōgunate. The second Shōgun Tokugawa Hidetada made it a law that noh and kyōgen would be the official art forms of the shōgunate and that the four sarugaku troupes from Yamato and the newly formed Kita troupe would be recognized as the official licensed performance troupes. From this, noh’s standing in society was fixed and it continued to grow in popularity with both the elite and the commoners. To this day, it continues to refine itself, however the creative genius from the artists of the middle ages has been lost.

Following the fall of the Tokugawa Shōgunate, noh too was in crisis. The following Meiji Period (1868-1912) saw the birth of a new government and industrial system in Japan as well as a return of entertainment for ordinary citizens. Noh too went through a kind of transformation with the development of the iemoto system, the merging of noh and kyōgen into nohgaku, and the building of indoor noh stages. Recently, with the development of people practicing utai (vocal) and shimai (short dance) noh is poised to spread.

http://www.the-noh.com/en/world/history.html

Noh performer (credit: John W. Bennett)


An Introduction to Noh
Every culture in the world has its own theater. In Japan one of the most ancient forms of theater is Noh. The Noh theater found its form in the fourteenth century and continues in much the same form, with many of the same plays, in present day Japan. A Noh play portrays one all-encompassing emotion dominating the main character, the shite (she-tay). Whether jealousy, rage, or sorrow, all music, gesture, dance, and recitation are used to build the emotion to its final climax at the close of the play. Often the plays depict the return of a historical personage, in spirit— or "ghostly"— form, to the site of a significant event in his or her life. A warrior might return to the battle field, or young woman to the scene of a love affair. According to Buddhism of the fourteenth century, a person could not find spiritual release even after death if he still possessed a strong emotion or desire. To exorcise this emotion, the warrior might appear in his armor and recreate the battle in a dance. The dance would reveal his humiliation at suffering defeat.
Noh plays are extremely intense. In order to express something so abstract as an emotion, words are often inadequate. As the play progresses, then, dance and poetry are used to express the tortured heart. Other elements which contribute to an intensification of the mood are the bare simplicity of the stage which allows no distraction from the main character, and the gorgeous costumes of the main character himself. The stylized movements also help to focus the energy on the emotion rather than on the individual personalities. In Noh as in classical ballet, every movement is choreographed and often symbolic. There is no individual interpretation.
Aside from the main character there are one or sometimes two secondary parts, the waki. Usually they are priests attired in long dark robes. Like the audience, the secondary character is really there only to observe the tragedy enacted by the main character. Usually a play opens with the priest or other secondary character's entrance. He describes the scene which he wants the audience to imagine. The scenes are all actual spots in Japan. The main character may then enter disguised as a local person. The local person reveals to the secondary character the significance of the site. He then exits. He returns dressed as his true self with a mask and embroidered robes. From the time of his return to the stage, the secondary character generally remains seated to one side.
Masks are very important in the Noh and are worn only by the main character. The mask helps to raise the action out of the ordinary, to freeze it in time. For the Noh actor the mask of a particular character has almost a magic power. Before putting it on he will look at it until he feels the emotion absorbed within himself. When he puts on the mask, his individuality recedes and he is nothing but the emotion to be depicted.
A chorus sits to the side of the stage. The chorus often echoes the words of the characters, but it may also speak for them. Thus in a dialogue between the main character and secondary characters, the chorus may say the lines of either of them. This is of course according to the script and not improvised. Nothing on the Noh stage is improvised. The use of the chorus to recite the actors' lines make it seem as though the lines belong to no one: The actors are there but the emotion is not under anyone's control. It floats between actors and chorus and is further picked up by a sudden drum beat or drawn out by the flute.
There are usually four musicians who sit to the rear of the stage. Three play Japanese drums and one plays a flute made from bamboo. The drums give a very hollow thud while the flute has an eerie whistling sound. This eerie whisper is what draws the first actor out onto the stage and creates the other-worldly feeling necessary to Noh.
http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/special/japan_1000ce_noh.htm



Noh prints by Tsukioka Kogyo (月岡耕漁):
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/search.aspx?people=146511&peoA=146511-2-59

http://www.nohtrainingproject.org/

NOH STAGE

Noh Stage at Night


Noh stage at Itsukushima Jinja is said to be from 1590, the oldest in Japan
With the Great Torli (sacred gate) on Miyajima Island



This information about the Noh stage is from a wonderful site: the-noh.com.  
The noh stage is constructed from hinoki (Japanese cypress). At the back of the stage is the kagami-ita (back panel, usually displaying a painted pine tree). In the front of the stage is the kizahashi (decorative staircase). Coming off the left side of the stage is the hashigakari (bridgeway). At the end of the hashigakari is the agemaku (curtain) which marks the entrance to the backstage area. It is thought that this current standard stage construction was established just before the reign of the well known Shōgun Oda Nobunaga (circa 1550). The Northern Noh Stage, located Nishi Honganji Temple in Kyoto, is the oldest standing stage of this type of construction and is said to have been built by Toyotomi Hideyoshi.

The complete noh stage is comprised of the hon-butai (main playing area), hashigakari (bridgeway), ato-za (seating section for musicians and stage attendants) and the jiutai-za (seating section for the chorus). The main playing area is 5.4m per side.

http://www.the-noh.com/en/world/stage.html
 
Hashira
The main stage has four hashira or bashira (columns): the sumi-bashira, waki-bashira, shite-bashira, and the fue-bashira. As the shite wears a mask while performing, the hashira are a very important tool for the shite to gauge their location on stage. The sumi-bashira is a particularly important marker and also has the name metsuke-bashira or “eye-fixing column.”
Kagami-ita
The back wall of a noh stage is called the kagami-ita on which a pine tree called the oi-matsu is painted. This is said to be the eternal backdrop of noh. The Yōgō no matsu (The Yōgō Pine Tree) is said to be the model for which the kagami-ita is based, and can still be found at the Kasuga Shrine in Nara. While the noh stories may change, the backdrop does not. All noh are performed in front of the kagami-ita.
Jiutai-za and Ato-za
Off to the right side of the main playing area is the jiutai-za (seating for the chorus). The back of the stage is known as the ato-za and is the spot reserved for the hayashi (musicians) and the koken (stage attendants). In contrast to the main playing area where the boards lie vertically, in the ato-za the boards are laid horizontally, and is also known as the yoko-ita.
Hashigakari
Running from the ato-za off to the left of the main playing area is the hashigakari (bridgeway). The hashigakari is used not just for entrances and exits, but also as another playing area for some important scenes. As opposed to the openness of the main playing area, the hashigakari is linearly laid out and consequently aids in creating a feeling of depth. The shite then can use the hashigakari to better express their mental state.
Agemaku and Kiridoguchi
There are two entrances to the noh stage, the agemaku and the kiridoguchi or kirido. The agemaku is located at the end of the hashigakari and is the five-colored curtain that is raised and lowered for the entrance and exit of the shite, waki, tsure, waki-tsure, kyōgen, and hayashi. The kiridoguchi is located on the right side of the ato-za and is a small sliding door that is used for entrances and exits of the kōken (stage attendants) for both the shite and the hayashi, as well as for the jiutai (chorus).
Kagami-no-ma
The kagami-no-ma (mirror room) is located behind the agemaku and is where the shite puts on the mask being used for the noh. This is also where the hayashi play oshirabe (warm-up music). It can be said that when the shite and hayashi enter this area, the noh has begun.
Kensho
The audience seating area in a noh theatre is called the kensho. The seats located in front of the stage are called shōmen, while the seats on the left side of the stage are called the waki shōmen. Audience members sitting in the shōmen section have the best view of the mask effects, while the advantage of sitting in the waki shōmen is the close proximity to the hashigakari. In between the two are the naka shōmen seats which lie in front of the metsuke bashira. Older noh theatres have tatami rather than seats, while almost all large modern noh theatres are made with fixed seats. Some noh theatres are also equipped with balconies.
FROM: http://www.the-noh.com/en/world/stage.html, accessed Aug. 23, 2014.

Noh Production, Meiji era, 1897 by Tsukioka Kogyo (月岡耕漁)


INFO ON NOH PROPS: http://www.coreofculture.org/noh.html
A SEARCHABLE GLOSSARY OF NOH TERMS: http://db2.the-noh.com/edic/

NOH CHARACTERS, PLOTS & PLAYS



https://www.flickr.com/photos/tokyoviews/1954538146 4

Kanazawa Noh Museum




PLAY LINKS:
http://www.the-noh.com/en/plays/index.html

KABUKI




 http://www.kcpwindowonjapan.com/2011/10/kabuki-theater/


http://www.kabuki21.com/section.php



KABUKI STAGE


Interior of a Kabuki theatre, coloured woodcut triptych by Utagawa Toyokuni, c. 1800; in the British Museum.
Credit: Courtesy of the trustees of the British Museum & Britannica.com
Traditional and Modern


BUNRAKU

SARUGAKU


http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/a-sarugaku-performance-for-lord-higashiyama-higashiyama-dono-sarugaku-k%C3%B4gy%C3%B4-no-zu-51318 4

"Sarugaku(猿楽), literally "monkey fun", was a form of theatre popular in Japan during the 11th to 14th centuries. It originated from "sangaku," a form of entertainment reminiscent of the modern-day circus, consisting mostly of acrobatics, juggling, and pantomime, sometimes combined with drum dancing. It came from China to Japan in the 8th century and there mingled with indigenous traditions, particularly the harvest celebrations of dengaku. In the 11th century, the form began to favor comic sketches while other elements faded away. By the late 12th century, the term "sarugaku" had come to include comic dialogues based on word play (toben), improvised comic party dances (rambu), short plays involving several actors, and musical arrangements based on courtesan traditions. During the 13th century, there was increased standardization of words, gestures, musical arrangements, and program combinations; as well as the adoption of the guild (za) system to which all present-day Noh schools can be traced. Kyogen also developed from sarugaku. Of particular significance is the development of sarugaku troupes in Yamato around Nara and Kyoto during the Kamakura and early Muromachi periods. In particular, the sarugaku Noh troupe Yuzaki, led by Kan'ami, performed in 1374 before the young shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu. The success of this one performance and the resultant shogunal patronage lifted the artform permanently out of the mists of its plebeian past. From then, the term sarugaku gave way to the current nomenclature, Noh.
The Japanese term "Sarugaku" is also used in other contexts to refer to a job or profession that seems to debase the employee or to treat him or her as a source of entertainment rather than as a professional.[1]" - Wikipedia

During the Nara Period (710-794), a form of popular entertainment named sangaku was imported to Japan from China. This led to the development of sarugaku which included pantomime, acrobatics and magic; and gagaku, a more solemn form of music and dance. While gagaku was being performed for the noblemen and the imperial court at festivals and ceremonies, sangaku (or sarugaku as it became) was spreading throughout Japan being performed at shrines and on the roadsides.
As time went on and sangaku went through numerous changes, it took on the characteristics of noh and kyōgen and became known as sarugaku.
http://www.the-noh.com/en/world/history.html

KAGURA


Lion Dance by Chikanobu Toyohara - 1838-1912 (see this print on its original page by clicking on it -- UPDATE SOON)
SHINTO THEATRICAL DANCE - "GOD-ENTERTAINMENT"


NOTES

 FROM WIKIPEDIA
Kagura (神楽, かぐら, "god-entertainment") is a Japanese word referring to a specific type of Shinto theatrical dance—with roots arguably predating those of Noh. Once strictly a ceremonial art derived from kami'gakari (神懸, かみがかり, "oracular divination") and chinkon (鎮魂, ちんこん, "spirit pacification"), Kagura has evolved in many directions over the span of a millennium. Today it is very much a living tradition, with rituals tied to the rhythms of the agricultural calendar, as well as vibrant Kabuki-esque theatre, thriving primarily in parts of Shimane prefecture, and urban centers such as Hiroshima.[1]



History


Kagura stage
The epics Kojiki and Nihonshoki describe a folklore origin for the dances. In these texts, there is a famous legendary tale about the sun goddess Amaterasu, who retreated into a cave, bringing darkness and cold to the world. Ame-no-Uzume, kami/goddess of the dawn and of revelry, led the other gods in a wild dance, and persuaded Amaterasu to emerge to see what the ruckus was all about.[2] Kagura is one of a number of rituals and arts said to derive from this event.
Originally called kamukura or kamikura (神座), kagura began as sacred dances performed at the Imperial court by shrine maidens (miko) who were supposedly descendants of Ame-no-Uzume. Over time, however, these mikagura (御神楽), performed within the sacred and private precincts of the Imperial courts, inspired popular ritual dances, called satokagura (里神楽), which, being popular forms, practiced in villages all around the country, were adapted into various other folk traditions and developed into a number of different forms. Among these are miko kagura, shishi kagura, and Ise-style and Izumo-style kagura dances. Many more variations have developed over the centuries, including some which are fairly new, and most of which have become highly secularized folk traditions.
Kagura, in particular those forms that involve storytelling or reenactment of fables, is also one of the primary influences on the Noh theatre.

Imperial Kagura

The formal ritual dances (mikagura) were performed in a number of sacred places and on a number of special occasions. At the Imperial Sanctuary, where the Sacred Mirror was kept, they were performed as part of gagaku court music. Mikagura were also performed at the Imperial harvest festival and at major shrines such as Ise, Kamo, and Iwashimizu Hachiman-gū. Since around the year 1000, these events have taken place every year.
According to the ritual department of the Imperial Household Agency, kagura still take place every December in the Imperial Sanctuary and at the Imperial harvest festival ceremonies.


Satokagura, or "normal kagura", is a wide umbrella term containing a great diversity of folk dances derived from mikagura, and incorporated with other folk traditions. For the sake of brevity, a selection of traditions from the Kantō region will be used as examples.
  • Miko kagura – dances performed by shrine maidens (miko) originally derived from ritual dances in which the miko channeled the kami, speaking, singing, and dancing as the god. Though these originally had a very loose form, akin to similar god-possession dances and rituals in other world cultures, they have developed, like many other Japanese arts, into highly regular set forms. Today, they are performed largely in worship to kami at Shinto shrines, or as part of a ritual martial arts demonstration at Buddhist temples. These dances are often performed with ritual props, such as bells, bamboo canes, sprigs of sakaki, or paper streamers.
  • Izumo-ryū kagura – Dances based on those performed at Izumo Shrine serve a number of purposes, including ritual purification, celebration of auspicious days, and the reenactment of folktales. Originally quite popular in the Chūgoku region, near Izumo, these dances have spread across the country, and have developed over the centuries, becoming more secular folk entertainment and less formal religious ritual.


Susanoo and Orochi in Ise-ryū kagura
  • Ise-ryū kagura – A form of dances derived from those performed alongside yudate (boiling water) rituals at the outer shrines of Ise Shrine. Largely associated with Hanamatsuri (April 8), the miko or other group leaders immerse certain objects in boiling water as part of a purification ritual. As with other forms of kagura, this has become secularized and popularized as it transformed into a folk practice.
  • Shishi kagura – A form of lion dance, in which a group of dancers take on the role of the shishi lion and parade around the town. The lion mask and costume is seen as, in some ways, embodying the spirit of the lion, and this is a form of folk worship and ritual, as other forms of lion dances are in Japan and elsewhere.
See Petersen, David. (2007). Invitation to Kagura: Hidden Gem of the Traditional Japanese Performing Arts. Morrisville: Lulu Press.
 
Kagura hall (left) at Nikkō Tōshōgū, a Shinto shrine associated with the founder of the Tokugawa Shogunate
  • Daikagura – A form of dance deriving from rituals performed by traveling priests from Atsuta and Ise Shrines, who would travel to villages, crossroads, and other locations to help the locals by driving away evil spirits. Acrobatic feats and lion dances played a major role in these rituals.
Around the time of the beginning of the Tokugawa shogunate (1603-1868), performances derived from this emerged in Edo as a major form of entertainment. In connection with the celebrations surrounding the beginning of the shogunate, lion dances, acrobatics, juggling, and a great variety of other entertainments were performed on stages across the city, all nominally under the auspices of "daikagura". Over the course of the period, these came to be more closely associated with rakugo storytelling and other forms of popular entertainment, and still today, daikagura continues to be performed and to include many elements of street entertainment.

DENGAKU


http://ukiyo-e.org/image/mfa/sc13483 7

Dengaku (田楽)were rustic Japanese celebrations that can be classified into two types: dengaku that developed as a musical accompaniment to rice planting observances and the dengaku dances that developed in conjunction with sangaku. The dengaku celebrated for rice planting was performed by villagers either at the New Year or during the planting season in early summer. It was only in the 14th century that these dances were brought to the cities and incorporated into Noh theater, notably by the playwright and actor Kan'ami. The instrument of dengaku is the sasara, a wooden percussive instrument clapper, though there are other instruments that can be used.
In the Eiga Monogatari there is a detailed description of the rice-planting dengaku. After being brought to the aristocrats, dengaku flourished till the end of the Heian period and became the main performing art of the Kamakura and part of the Muromachi period.
By the end of the Muromachi, dengaku was eclipsed by sarugaku. Today it barely survives as a folk performing art.
Dengaku was closely linked with the native Japanese religion of Shinto. Ritualistic elements of this was incorporated with Sarugaku to form Noh theatre.

It is not clear when the word noh was first used, but long ago the word may have been used to describe all kinds of performances. From the Nambokucho period through to the Muromachi period, noh was widely divided into two categories called sarugaku noh and dengaku noh. Sarugaku noh was largely based on mimetic movements while dengaku noh was more associated with symbolic movement. And while dengaku noh was accepted by the nobility and performed largely in the capital, sarugaku noh was not accepted in the capital and played largely in Omi, Tanba, Ise and the areas surrounding the capital gaining popularity.
http://www.the-noh.com/en/world/history.html

BUTOH

ADD SUBTITLE IN CAPS HERE THEN HIT RETURN
Photo and Body Here

SUPER KABUKI

BUILDING FROM THE PAST

Super Kabuki

Ichikawa Ennosuke III -- “Yamato Takeru,” the first so-called super kabuki, combining traditional movement with modern technology  

FIELD TRIP

ADD SUBTITLE IN CAPS HERE THEN HIT RETURN
Photo and Body Here http://www.kanazawa-noh-museum.gr.jp/ http://www.ntj.jac.go.jp/english/

Wednesday, August 20, 2014

PLAYS IN CHURCHES

Liturgical Drama

Santa Maria del Fiore - aka "The Duomo" - Florence




1. THE STAGING OF LITURGIC DRAMA IN THE TENTH CENTURY

Ethelwold, Bishop of Winchester, drew up the Concordia Regularis, a supplement to the Ride of St. Benedict. St. Ethelwold gave instructions as to how the third Nocturn at Matins on Easter morning should be performed in Benedictine monasteries. The scriptural core of this Easter morning ceremony is the visit of the three Maries to the sepulchre and their colloquy with the angel who announces the miracle of the Resurrection (cf. Matt. 28: 1 - 7 and Mark 16: 1 - 7). In the Concordia Regtdaris, the birth of medieval drama from the spirit of liturgy lies clearly before us, and the régisseur Ethelwold has seen to it that no important element of the theater is overlooked:

While the third lesson is being chanted, let four brethren vest themselves. Let one of these, vested in an alb, enter as though to take part in the service, and let him approach the sepulchre without attracting attention and sit there quietly with a palm in his hand. While the third respond is chanted, let the remaining three follow, and let them all, vested in copes, bearing in their hands thuribles with incense, and stepping delicately as those who seek something, approach the sepulchre. These things are done in imitation of the angel sitting in the monument, and the women with spices coming to anoint the body of Jesus. When therefore he who sits there beholds the three approach him like folk lost and seeking something, let him begin in a dulcet voice of medium pitch to sing Quern quaeritis [Whom seek ye in the sepulchre, O Christian women?]. And when he has sung it to the end, let the three reply in unison Ihesum Nazarenum [Jesus of Nazareth, the crucified, O heavenly one]. So he, Non est hic, surrexit sicut praedixerat. Ite, nuntiate quia surrexit a mortuis [He is not here; He is risen, as He foretold. Go and announce that He is risen from the dead]. . . .

Nagler, A. M. (2013-04-09). A Source Book in Theatrical History (Kindle Locations 1153-1157). 




2. THE MACHINERY FOR THE PARADISE
As long as the medieval religious plays were allowed to stay within the churches, special stages were erected for them. The sacra rappresentazione, which Bishop Abraham of Szuszdal saw in 1493 in the Florentine Church of the Annunciation, was presented on a scaffold in the nave, and the audience crowded round to marvel at the hundreds of lights which circled the throne of God, while children, garbed as angels, produced the music of the spheres on cymbals, flutes, and harps. A special contrivance controlled the descent of the Archangel Gabriel. This performance was even surpassed by one that Bishop Szuszdal saw in the Church del Carmine, where the Ascension of Christ was most skilfully staged. To the architect, Filippo Brunelleschi (1377-1446), must go the credit for having contrived the technical apparatus for these performances in, or in front of, the churches in Florence. Due to his efforts, the Florentines learned to look upon their religious theater as a work of art. In his Vite, Giorgio Vasari (1511 - 1574) offers a wealth of technical details concerning the secrets of the machines (ingegni) in which medieval spectators took a seemingly insatiable delight:

It is said that the apparatus of the Paradise of S. Felice in the piazza of that city [Florence] was invented by Filippo [Brunelleschi] for the representation or feast of the Annunciation according to the time-honoured custom of the Florentines. This thing was truly marvellous, and displayed the ability and industry of the inventor. On high was a Heaven full of living and moving figures , and a quantity of lights which flashed in and out. I will take pains to describe exactly how the apparatus of this machine was devised, seeing that the machine itself is destroyed, and the men are dead who could have spoken of it from experience…. For this effect Filippo had arranged a half globe between two rafters of the roof of the church, like a hollow porringer or a barber’s basin turned upside down. It was formed of thin laths secured to an iron star which revolved round a great iron ring upon which it was poised. The whole machine was supported by a strong beam of pine well bound with iron, which was across the timbers of the roof. In this beam was fixed the ring that held the basin in suspense and balance, which from the ground resembled a veritable Heaven. . . . (continues at length)

Nagler, A. M. (2013-04-09). A Source Book in Theatrical History (Kindle Locations 1171-1177). Dover Publications. Kindle Edition.

What else did Brunelleschi design in Florence? (hint: look at the top of the page)

PROCESSIONAL AND PAGEANT PLAYS

THEATER THAT MOVED

When the Christian dramas moved out of churches, they kept moving -- actually moving on wheels.

The Pageant play, enacted on "pageant cars," might remind us of a parade today.  Not only in the design of the moving stages, but in the communal quality of the plays. As Nagler writes, "FOR PROCESSIONAL PLAYS a whole city was turned into a vast auditorium. Mansions on wheels (pageants or carriages in England, edifizii in Italy, carros in Spain) were moved through the principal streets of a city and brought to a halt at predetermined stations where a scene of the play cycle was performed. The responsibility for these pageant cars rested with the local guilds, whose members had to attend to the building, decorating, and drawing of the floats. The production of religious plays was an undertaking which involved the entire community. Archdeacon Robert Rogers (d. 1595) has left us a description of the pageant cars that were used in the processional presentation of the Chester Whitsun plays:

Every company had his pagiant, or parte, which pagiants weare a high scafolde with two rowmes, a higher and a lower, upon four wheeles. In the lower they apparelled them selves, and in the higher rowme they played, beinge all open on the tope, that all behoulders mighte heare and see them. The places where they played them was in every streete. They begane first at the abay gates, and when the firste pagiante was played it was wheeled to the highe crosse before the mayor, and so to every streete; and soe every streete had a pagiant playinge before them at one time, till all the pagiantes for the daye appoynted we are played: and when one pagiant was neere ended, worde was broughte from streete to streete, that soe they mighte come in place thereof excedinge orderlye, and all the streetes have theire pagiantes afore them all at one time playeinge togeather; to se which playes was greate resorte, and also scafoldes and stages made in the streetes in those places where they determined to playe theire pagiantes. (Nagler, 49).
Part of a much larger painting commemorating the Ommegang in Brussels in 1615, a procession for the prestigious Crossbowmen guild -- It's called the Triumph of Isabella as she was crowned queen of the procession (the full work is here: http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O18973/the-ommeganck-in-brussels-on-painting-alsloot-denys-van/#)

 Here is a

Jean Bodel's Jeu de Saint Nicolas, "which was probably first performed in Arras on 5 December 1200" is one such play -- which I've never read. "Situated in the middle of an epic battle between Christians and Muslim, the play tells the story of a good Christian who escapes the battle and is found by the Muslim forces praying to a statue of Saint Nicolas. The Muslim leader decides to test the saint by unlocking the doors to his treasury and leaving the statue as a guardian, stipulating that if anything were stolen the Christian would forfeit his life. Three thieves attempt to steal the treasure, but Saint Nicolas stops them. As a result, the Muslim ruler and his entire army convert to Christianity.[1]

More typical, however, were focused on teaching the Bible and the path to personal salvation.
Biblical stories were enacted (sometimes in a serious, moving tone and sometimes in a surprisingly -- even shockingly -- comical form) or archetypal tales were told of a Christian seeking acceptance into Heaven.

The British plays were often written in cycles -- lots of little connected plays telling different Biblical stories. They would often be staged on pageant wagons (see separate post) by craftmen's guilds, and often there is a useful link between the craft and the play (the shipbuilding guild might stage the Noah story, for example).  The York Mystery Plays, the Chester Mystery Plays, the Wakefield Mystery Plays and the N-Town Plays
are all cycle plays.

CLICK on this link to read a section of the Wakefield play on The Flood:
http://people.ucalgary.ca/~scriptor/towneley/plays/noefram.html

CLICK on this link to read one of the first English farces, the Second Shepherd's Play:
https://archive.org/stream/secondshepherdsp00chil#page/36/mode/2up/search/Second


PAGEANT WAGONS

Reconstruction Drawing:

LUCERNE PASSION PLAY

Lucerne, Switzerland - 1583

Renward Cysat's play from 1583

And a modern version of his plan by Leacroft

VALENCIENNES PASSION PLAY

A FRENCH PASSION PLAY

As Christianity spread, liturgical dramas flourished. A way of communicating Biblical narratives to a population that could not read (let alone read Latin), early liturgical dramas were enacted in churches.

But the 12th century, vernacular plays (not in Latin) were being staged all across the Christian world and they had moved out of the cathedrals.  

They had "they moved into the courtyards of aristocratic mansions (Valenciennes) and invaded the central market squares (Lucerne, Frankfort, Mons); they were produced in earthen arenas (Perranzabuloe, St. Just) and even within the remains of Roman amphitheaters (Bourges)." (Nagler, p. 47).
 

Created in 1547 on the grounds of the Duke of Arshot, the Valenciennes drama is said to have taken 25 days to perform -- with mansion houses being changed as the play progressed.

It was a major town event, with more than 100 roles assigned to 72 actors.

http://library.calvin.edu/hda/node/1308
The first chronicler of Valenciennes gave a resume of the most spectacular aspects of the Passion production in 1547: 

At Whitsuntide of the year 1547, the leading citizens of the town [of Valenciennes] presented the life, death, and Passion of Our Lord on the stage of the mansion of the Duke of Arschot. The spectacle lasted twenty-five days, and on each day we saw strange and wonderful things. The machines (secrets) of the Paradise and of Hell were absolutely prodigious and could be taken by the populace for magic. For we saw Truth , the angels, and other characters descend from very high, sometimes visibly, sometimes invisibly , appearing suddenly. Lucifer was raised from Hell on a dragon without our being able to see how. The rod of Moses, dry and sterile, suddenly put forth flowers and fruits. Devils carried the souls of Herod and Judas through the air. Devils were exorcised, people with dropsy and other invalids cured, all in an admirable way. Here Jesus Christ was carried up by the Devil who scaled a wall forty feet high. There He became invisible. Finally, He was transfigured on Mount Tabor. We saw water changed into wine so mysteriously that we could not believe it, and more than a hundred persons wanted to taste this wine. The five breads and the two fish seemed to be multiplied and were distributed to more than a thousand spectators, and yet there were more than twelve baskets left. The fig tree, cursed by Our Lord, appeared to dry up, its leaves withering in an instant. The eclipse, the earthquake, the splitting of the rocks and the other miracles at the death of Our Lord were shown with new marvels.

Nagler, A. M. (2013-04-09). A Source Book in Theatrical History (Kindle Locations 1276-1278). 

EVERYMAN

A PLAY ABOUT EVERY MAN

Here begynneth a treatyse how þe hye Fader of Heven sendeth Dethe to somon every creature to come and gyve acounte of theyr lyves in this worlde, and is in maner of a morall playe.

[Here begins a treatise how the high Father of Heaven sends Death to summon every creature to come and give account of their lives in this world, and is in the manner of a moral play.]


The characters in this play are:
     
Everyman, God, Death, Messenger, Fellowship, Cousin, Kindred, Strength, Discretion, Five-Wits, Beauty, Knowledge, Confession, Angel, Doctor, Goods, Good-Deeds

WHEN EVERYMAN IS SUMMONED TO DEATH, WHO DO YOU THINK GOES WITH HIM? (hint: this play seeks to inspire good behavior. . . it's a morality play, after all)

THE CASTLE OF PERSEVERANCE & EVERYMAN

ENGLISH MORALITY PLAY


The Castle of Perseverance, staged around 1425,  tells of a character -- called Mankind -- moving from life to death and Judgment. An allegory for all mankind, this character encounters all different types of people over the play's 3,600 lines. There are 36 characters.

Plan for the Castle of Perseverance


"In the middle is the tower of Mankind. The legend enclosed within the circles reads: 'This is the water about the place, if any ditch be made where it shall be played, or else let it be strongly barred all about."

Here's what the image above says:


The text is linked here: The Castle of Perseverance .
And a useful introduction to the morality plays is linked here (and is at the end of this blog entry)



Everyman tells the story of a man summoned to death, and his effort to find someone from this life to accompany him.


Here begynneth a treatyse how þe hye Fader of Heven sendeth Dethe to somon every creature to come and gyve acounte of theyr lyves in this worlde, and is in maner of a morall playe.

[Here begins a treatise how the high Father of Heaven sends Death to summon every creature to come and give account of their lives in this world, and is in the manner of a moral play.]


The characters in this play are:     
Everyman, God, Death, Messenger, Fellowship, Cousin, Kindred, Strength, Discretion, Five-Wits, Beauty, Knowledge, Confession, Angel, Doctor, Goods, Good-Deeds

IN THE END, WHO DO YOU THINK ACCOMPANIES HIM TO HIS JUDGMENT? (hint: this play seeks to inspire good behavior. . . it's a morality play, after all)

The text is linked here: The Summoning of Everyman 





Here is a useful Introduction by David N. Klausner (Editor) with an overview of the genre:



THE MORALITY PLAYS

The surviving morality plays, or moral interludes, as they were generally known to their contemporaries, comprise a group of five texts dating from the late fourteenth to the early sixteenth centuries: The Pride of Life, The Castle of Perseverance, Mankind, Wisdom, and Everyman.1 Each of these plays deals allegorically with the life of man and his struggle against sin, and their structure is for the most part based on a sequence of temptation, fall, and redemption. Scholars have been hesitant to call this group of plays a genre, since each play differs from the others in substantial ways. The Castle of Perseverance describes the whole ontology of man, opening before his birth and ending after his death and his judgment before the throne of God. Everyman, in contrast, deals only with the final journey towards death. The group of plays is held together, however, by their consistent use of allegorical figures, by their use (in most cases) of a central representative human figure (variously called Mankind, Everyman, or Humanum Genus), and by their personification of the forces of good and evil which act upon him. Some of the plays (Mankind, Wisdom) require either considerable theatrical resources and skill sufficient to imply that they may have been intended for professional performance; The Castle of Perseverance, on the other hand, with its large cast of thirty-three players (plus two heralds), is unlikely to have been intended entirely for professional players, but may well have been performed by a mixed group of professionals and nonprofessionals.2

The background to these plays lies in part in the allegorization of good and evil which found its earliest expression in the Psychomachia of the late fourth-century poet Aurelius Clemens Prudentius. This poem describes a battle for the soul of man in which seven evil characteristics (Idolatry, Lust, Wrath, Pride, Indulgence, Greed, Discord) are pitted against seven virtues (Faith, Chastity, Patience, Humility, Sobriety, Good Works, Concord).3 Since the battle takes place within the mind of man, there is no representative human figure. Prudentius' allegorical mode was immensely popular throughout the Middle Ages, and became one of the primary models for the allegorization of human characteristics, leading eventually to such texts as the Roman de la Rose of Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun, as well as Robert Grosseteste's Chateau d'Amour. The second impetus behind the morality plays can be seen in the canon Omnius utriusque sexus of the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), which confirmed and elaborated earlier legislation and tradition requiring annual confession of all Christians, thus laying the groundwork for one of the most extensive educational programs in the history of the world. Faced with the necessity not only of educating the priesthood in the technical aspects and methodology of confession and penance but also of explaining to the laity the taxonomy of sins, allegory — the personification of individual sins, virtues, personal characteristics, or abstract qualities — was quickly adopted as an effective tool.

It is easy, however, to overestimate the importance of both these influences. The Psychomachia provided only the most general model of an allegorical battle, while the nature of sin as presented in these plays was both well-known and orthodox, so the plays' purpose is less educational, more, as Pamela King describes it, "to confirm and to celebrate rather than to argue."4 From the late fifteenth century, the form and structure of the morality play was adapted in a variety of new directions, giving rise to a genre now most commonly known as the "Tudor interlude."5 Where the morality play takes as its subject the whole moral life of man, the Tudor interludes focus on specific aspects of this life: political (Skelton's Magnyfycence, Bale's King Johan), educational (Wyt and Science), or social (Youth, Hick Scorner).

The frequent use in the morality plays of a "Vice" figure distinguished from the allegorized sins, such as Backbiter in The Castle of Perseverance, Mischief and the three Worldlings in Mankind, and Lucifer in Wisdom, has been seen as influencing Shakespeare's Falstaff and Iago as well as Marlowe's Mephistopheles. Indeed, for many years this possible influence on the canonical plays of the Elizabethan theater represented the sole interest in the morality plays. Those days are now in the past, and performances of all of these plays (with the exception of the fragmentary Pride of Life) have shown them to be highly effective vehicles for moral thought based on a keen understanding of the potential of allegory as a technique for the concrete representation of abstract ideas.

THE CASTLE OF PERSEVERANCE

The most comprehensive of the five surviving English morality plays, The Castle of Perseverance begins before the birth of Mankind (or Humanum Genus, as he is called in the speech headings) and concludes after his death with his ultimate salvation. The play opens with a sequence of "banns," the announcement of a forthcoming performance intended to be delivered as advertisement a week earlier. Blanks are left in lines 134, 145, and 148 for the insertion of the name of the town in which the play would be performed. This does not necessarily mean that the play was intended for touring, which (given its size) seems unlikely. Alexandra F. Johnston has argued that the text would likely have been used for performance at a chosen site, the name of which would then be inserted in the banns. The performance, probably involving the resources of a number of parishes, would have remained stationary, with the banns drawing in audiences from the surrounding countryside.6 That this performance situation could recur in a different location at a different time is suggested by the options for the construction of the ditch given on the stage plan. Variations between the banns and the playtext (the appearance of Conscience in the banns but not in the play; the intercession of the Virgin Mary at the conclusion, rather than the Four Daughters of God) would seem to indicate that the play was revised at some point, without the banns being brought up to date.

The play proper opens with boasting speeches (bringing to mind the ranting of Herod in the biblical plays) by Mankind's traditional three enemies, the World, the Flesh, and the Devil. Each of these speaks from his own scaffold, introducing his followers, the Seven Deadly Sins. World points out his chief henchman, Greed (Avarice, or Covetousness), whose central importance in the seduction of Mankind is signaled by his placement on his own scaffold. Flesh is accompanied by Sloth, Gluttony, and Lechery; the Devil by Pride, Wrath, and Envy. Mankind is born, perhaps from the bed which lies at the base of the castle. He points out his ignorance and helplessness, asking for God's grace; he introduces his two companions, the Good and Bad Angels, noting that every man has such a pair of advisors, one good and one evil. The two angels present their cases for the proper mode of life, and Mankind opts for the pleasures of the World. Introduced to the World by the Bad Angel, Mankind is dressed in fine clothes by the World's servants, Pleasure (Lust-liking) and Folly, and is sent with the help of the vice Backbiter to meet with Greed. Greed introduces him to the other Sins, who are called from the scaffolds of Flesh and the Devil, and Mankind takes his seat with them on Greed's scaffold.

Called by the Good Angel, Confession and Penitence invite Mankind to leave Greed; his initial reluctance disappears when he is pricked by the sharp lance of Penitence. He leaves Greed's clutches, and is invited by the Good Angel to take up residence in the Castle of Perseverance, where he will be protected by the seven cardinal virtues, Meekness (Humility), Abstinence, Chastity, Charity, Patience, Generosity, and Busyness (Industry). Once Mankind is ensconced in the castle, Backbiter begins to stir up trouble by pressing the World, the Flesh, and the Devil to punish their attendant sins for losing Mankind's allegiance, and then by assembling all the forces of evil to mount a siege of the castle. Each of the sins fights with its opposite virtue, and after a substantial onstage battle (including the Devil's appearance with fireworks, as described on the stage plan), the sins are defeated by the virtues with a shower of red roses, symbols of the Passion. But the battle is not over. During the fight, Mankind has grown old, and as the virtues triumph, Greed quietly approaches the castle and suggests to Mankind that now, in his old age, it would be appropriate to take some comfort in the world and enjoy his remaining days. Greed's arguments are persuasive, and to the virtues' dismay, Mankind leaves the castle to follow Greed. But his pleasure in his newfound wealth is interrupted by the figure of Death, who stabs Mankind with his lance. As Mankind lies dying, the World sends a young man who is to be known only as "I-Don't-Know-Who" to take away Mankind's riches. With his last words Mankind places himself in God's mercy.

At the moment of Mankind's death (presumably on the castle bed, where he was born), his Soul emerges from under the bed. Since Mankind died in a state of sin, the Good Angel is unable to help his Soul, and the Bad Angel carries it off to the Devil. But Mankind's last request for mercy has summoned the Four Daughters of God — Truth, Justice, Peace, and Mercy — who approach God's scaffold to plead the case for and against Mankind's salvation. With God sitting in judgment, Truth and Justice present the details of Mankind's sins, claiming that his deathbed repentance is insufficient for his salvation. Peace and Mercy present the case for Mankind, that to his repentance must be added Christ's sacrifice. God judges in favor of Mankind, and directs the Daughters to remove the Soul from Hell (the Devil's scaffold) and bring it to the seat of judgment, where the Soul is received into Heaven through God's mercy. Finally, to end the play, the actor playing God steps out of character and invites the audience to draw the proper moral conclusion, that from the beginning of our lives we should consider our endings.

STAGING

The Castle of Perseverance is unique among English medieval plays in its provision in the manuscript of a stage plan. Such drawings are known from plays on the continent, but no other English play includes such a wealth of information on the intended physical layout of the stage locations mentioned in the text and the stage directions.7 The stage plan and a transcription of its text appear before the text. Some aspects of this drawing are unambiguous. Situated at the outskirts of the playing-place (platea) are five "scaffolds," four of them at the compass points, each assigned to a major character in the play: God in the east, the World in the west, Flesh in the south, and the Devil in the north. The fifth scaffold, for Greed, is placed in the north-east between the scaffolds of God and the Devil, perhaps implying that money in itself is morally neutral and can be used either for good (almsgiving) or ill (overindulgence in the things of the world). The stage plan gives no indication of the structure of these scaffolds, but other illustrations, primarily continental, suggest that they were simply platforms with one or more sets of steps for access and seating for at least the scaffold's primary resident.8 Painted backdrops would certainly have been a possibility.

The placement of the crenellated castle at the center of the acting area is also clear, as is the provision for Mankind's bed under the castle. To the right and left of the castle the position of Greed's "copbord" is given, and although it is not entirely clear what "at the ende of the castel" means, "be the beddys feet" would suggest its placement. The castle clearly stands on legs so that the bed beneath it is visible, with the upper part of the castle enclosed by stonework, perhaps painted on canvas. The castle must have room for nine people: the seven cardinal virtues, Mankind, and the Good Angel. Since they all speak, they must all be visible, and the virtues' throwing of roses (a symbol of the Passion) to defeat the sins would suggest that they must be on a higher level than the ground. The castle, therefore, likely had an upper level allowing its residents to appear above the crenellations. The bottom of the stage-plan page includes costume details for the Devil and for the Four Daughters of God.

Beyond this we begin to tread on less firm ground, though it is important to bear in mind that the stage plan is not a scale drawing, and that the physical relationship between its elements may be governed by the necessities of text placement. The principal problem in interpreting the stage plan has been the position of the ditch which surrounds the castle. Richard Southern thought it would have lain around the outside of the platea (following the plan's description that the water is "abowte the place"), and would have been a means of separating a paying audience.9 This interpretation has been followed by many, such as Michael R. Kelley, although we have no evidence elsewhere in the fifteenth century of provisions taken for the separation of audience, nor for advance payment (the audience is asked to pay to see the devil Titivillus in Mankind, but only during the play).10 More recent readings of the stage plan take the ditch as encircling the castle itself and interpret its distance from the castle on the drawing as the scribe's recognition that he would need space to write a significant amount of explanatory text. By this reading, the ditch would form a moat around the castle, and might well be the ditch from which Sloth empties the water of grace at line 2329. This is not a perfect solution, since the stage plan's description of the ditch allows that the space "be strongely barryd al abowt" as an alternative to digging a ditch, and it is difficult to see how such a fence or wall could be used dramatically for the water of grace.11 All of these aspects of the manuscript's stage plan were tested in practice in the full production of the play at the University of Toronto in 1979, under the direction of David Parry. That production was videotaped, and has been highly influential in demonstrating the likelihood that the ditch is intended to encircle the castle itself, not the entire acting area.12

THE MANUSCRIPT

The Castle of Perseverance is found uniquely in the so-called Macro Manuscript, named for a previous owner of the manuscript, the Reverend Cox Macro (1683–1767) of Bury St. Edmunds, Norfolk. Now housed in the Folger Library, Washington, DC, as MS V.a.354, the volume presently contains Wisdom and Mankind as well as Castle, and these three plays are commonly known as the "Macro plays" or the "Macro moralities." The volume does not represent a single manuscript; the three plays in their separate manuscripts were first bound together along with three other manuscripts in 1819, and then in the following year were rebound in a volume containing only the three plays. The Castle of Perseverance is now the third play in the volume, occupying folios 154–191. Two leaves are missing from the text, after line 1601 and line 3029. Since the scribe normally wrote about forty-eight lines to the page, each of these missing passages must have been about 100 lines long. An error in binding has put two sheets out of place, but the text is clear at these points and the proper order can easily be reconstructed.

The text was copied by a single scribe around 1440, and he was without question working from a previous manuscript. The pointed shoes which Pride recommends to Mankind had gone out of fashion by around 1425, so the most likely dating for the composition of the play (as opposed to its surviving manuscript) is sometime in the first quarter of the fifteenth century.

VERSE

Most of the play is written in a variant of the "bob and wheel" stanza familiar from such alliterative texts as Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, though the playwright also uses rhyme consistently and alliteration frequently but irregularly. About three-quarters of the stanzas are thirteen lines long, consisting of two quatrains (most commonly rhyming abababab) followed by the "bob and wheel" of five lines, rhyming cdddc. Most of the remaining stanzas are of nine lines, beginning with one rather than two quatrains. There has been considerable discussion over the possibility of multiple authorship; Jacob Bennett argued that three authors were likely involved, one composing the Banns (lines 1–156), one the bulk of the play from line 157 to the appearance of the Soul (line 3120), and a third author (perhaps revising an earlier ending) adding the colloquy of the Four Daughters of God (from line 3021 to the end). Considering the style of writing and the vocabulary of the various parts of the play, the argument in favor of more than one author for the play itself is not strong, though a good case can be made for a different author for the Banns.

The playwright's use of alliteration frequently leads him to end a line with a phrase used more as a tag or filler than for its meaning. This is especially common as the Three Enemies or the Seven Sins describe the extent of their influence by means of a phrase whose real meaning is "everywhere." The bulk of these tag lines are made up of a pair of prepositional phrases with a contrasting but alliterating pair of nouns as their objects; among these would be such phrases as "be dykys and be denne," "be fen and flode," "be strete and stalle," "be strete and stye," "be sompe and syke," "be downe and dyche," etc.

THE BANNS

Introductory banns ("proclamations, announcements") appear in several other plays, including The Pride of Life, the Croxton Play of the Sacrament, and the N-Town Plays, and were likely a common mode of publicizing an upcoming performance. The usual format of the banns involves a summary of the action of the play and an invitation to attend a performance. This invitation is sometimes locally specific (as in both Castle and the N-Town Plays), with a blank space or place-marker left to allow the speaker to insert the name of the town in which the performance will take place (see lines 134, 145, and 148). The time for the performance is usually made clear: Castle will take place "this day sevenenyt" — a week hence. The speaker(s) of the banns are often styled as "vexillators" (heralds or standard-bearers), from Latin "vexilla" (banner).

EXTRA-METRICAL LATIN LINES

An unusual problem in the text of Castle is the frequent appearance in the manuscript of single lines of Latin (often scriptural quotations) which are clearly not a part of the metrical structure of the stanza. In some cases, the content of these lines also appears in English as a part of the stanza, although, as David Parry points out, the sense of the Latin does not always correspond to the English, and some of the scriptural quotations seem more like reflective comments on the playtext.13 Some of these lines are written in the manuscript as though they were part of the playtext, some of them appear as glosses in the margin. Parry's 1983 dissertation concluded, I think rightly, that these lines were not intended as part of the play.14 It is most likely that they were added to an earlier manuscript of the play as marginal or interlinear glosses on the English passages which translate them, and either in the present manuscript or a close ancestor of it were mistakenly incorporated into the text of the play. Parry concludes that of the forty-six extra-metrical Latin lines, seven do make sense as part of the playtext. These are the single line of Mercy at 3313a and the six lines of God after 3562.15

I have followed Eccles' practice of printing the lines where they occur in the manuscript but not including them in the line numbering. In performance it is very likely that these lines should not be spoken, though it should also be noted that there are also in the play lines of Latin (see, for example, lines 3271–73 and 3284–86) which are a part of the metrical structure of the stanza and should be spoken.

THIS EDITION

The present edition is based on a fresh transcription of the manuscript from David Bevington's facsimile edition.16 The text has been lightly modernized: manuscript thorn (þ) has been replaced by th ("þis">"this") and yogh (3) by y ("3et">"yet") or g ("3ive">"give") as appropriate. The manuscript's interchangeability of u and v (and sometimes w) to indicate v ("euery">"every") has been rationalized; w has been left when it indicates u ("abowt"). Ampersands (&) have been expanded to "and." Manuscript spelling is relatively consistent: "se" is used for the verb of vision, "see" for a large body of water. Since the scribe uses "the" both as the definite article and as the second person oblique pronoun, the latter is adjusted to "thee" in the text. Final e, which must be pronounced in polysyllabic words, is indicated by an acute accent ("chastité"). Where appropriate i has been replaced by j ("iustice">"justice"); initial ff has been replaced by F. Unambiguous scribal errors and passages damaged in the manuscript have been silently corrected; details of such corrections can be found in the textual notes. Major emendations are indicated with square brackets. For purely practical reasons, I have adopted Eccles' division of the play into twenty-three scenes. These divisions are generally quite clear in the action of the play, but there is no manuscript justification for them.

The manuscript indicates the metrical scheme of each stanza with brackets, placing the first and last lines of the "wheel" to the right of the bracket enclosing the rest of the lines; as an indication of this manuscript distinction, the lines written to the right of the brackets are indented.

MANUSCRIPT

Indexed as item 917 in Boffey and Edwards, eds., New Index of Middle English Verse:
  • Folger Shakespeare Library MS. V.a.354 (Macro Manuscript)
EDITIONS AND FACSIMILES

Bevington, David, ed. The Macro Plays: A Facsimile Edition with Facing Transcription. New York: Johnson Reprint, 1972. Pp. 1–154.

———. Medieval Drama. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1975. Pp. 796–900.

Eccles, Mark, ed. The Macro Plays. EETS o.s. 262. London: Oxford University Press, 1969. Pp. 1–112.

Furnivall, F. J., and A. W. Pollard, eds. The Macro Plays. EETS e.s. 91. London: Oxford University Press, 1904. Pp. 75–188.

Happé, Peter, ed. Four Morality Plays. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1979. Pp. 75–210.

Schell, Edgar T., and J. D. Schuchter, eds. English Morality Plays and Moral Interludes. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969. Pp. 1–110.
 
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